Difference between revisions of "Nabonidus"

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{{Infobox monarch
 
{{Infobox monarch
 
| name = Nabû-naʾid
 
| name = Nabû-naʾid
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| image = Nabonidus.jpg
 
| image = Nabonidus.jpg
 
| caption = Nabonidus in relief showing him praying to the moon, sun and Venus (British Museum)
 
| caption = Nabonidus in relief showing him praying to the moon, sun and Venus (British Museum)
| reign = ca. 556 – 539 BC
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| reign = c. 556–539 BC
 
| coronation =
 
| coronation =
 
| predecessor = [[Labashi-Marduk]]
 
| predecessor = [[Labashi-Marduk]]
| successor = [[Nebuchadnezzar III]] (Self-proclaimed)
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| successor = [[Cyrus the Great]] (by conquering Babylonia)
| spouse =
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| spouse = [[Nitocris of Babylon]] (possibly){{sfn|Dougherty|2008|p=43}}
 
| royal house =  
 
| royal house =  
| father =
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| father = Nabu-balātsu-iqbi
| mother =  
+
| mother = [[Addagoppe of Harran]]
 +
| issue = [[Belshazzar]]<br>[[Ennigaldi (Ennigaldi-Nanna)|Ennigaldi]]<br>[[Nebuchadnezzar III]]?
 
| birth_date =   
 
| birth_date =   
| birth_place =  
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| birth_place = [[Harran]] (the city where his mother was priestess)
 
| death_date =   
 
| death_date =   
| death_place =
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| death_place =[[Carmania (region)|Carmania]] (his reported exile place)
 
| buried =
 
| buried =
 
}}
 
}}
  
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'''Nabonidus''' ({{IPAc-en|ˌ|n|æ|b|ə|ˈ|n|aɪ|d|ə|s}}; {{lang-akk|[[𒀭]]𒀝𒉎𒌇}} {{transl|akk|<sup>[[Dingir|d]]</sup>Nabû-naʾid}}, "[[Nabu]] is praised") was the [[List of Kings of Babylon|last king]] of the [[Neo-Babylonian Empire]], reigning from 556–539 BC. He seized power in a coup, toppling King [[Labashi-Marduk]].  Although his origins are not clear, it is understood that he was not [[Chaldea|Chaldean]], like previous kings, but was a proud [[Chaldean people|Caldean]], from Babylon’s rival to the north, making him unpopular during his reign. He also angered the priests and commoners of Babylon by neglecting the city’s chief god, [[Marduk]], and elevating the moon god, [[Sin (mythology)|Sin]], to the highest status. In fact, Nabonidus left the capital for ten years to build and restore temples – mostly to Sin – leaving his son in charge. While leading excavations for the restoration effort, he initiated the world’s first archaeological work.
'''Nabonidus''' ({{IPAc-en|ˌ|n|æ|b|ə|ˈ|n|aɪ|d|ə|s}}; [[Akkadian language|Akkadian]] '''Nabû-naʾid''', "[[Nabu]] is praised", نابونيد) is the [[List of Kings of Babylon|last king]] of the [[Neo-Babylonian Empire]], reigning from 556–539 BC.
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==Historiography== <!--T:3-->
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Meanwhile, the Persian [[Achaemenid Empire]] to the east, led by [[Cyrus the Great]], had been gaining strength. King Cyrus had become popular among the residents of Babylon by posing as the one who would restore Marduk to his rightful place in the city. As the Persians advanced to Babylon, Nabonidus returned. He was captured by the Persians in 539 BC and Babylon was occupied, thus ending the Neo-Babylonian Empire. Cyrus was welcomed into the city, where he performed the rites of Marduk. Nabonidus’ fate is uncertain, though it is believed he was exiled to Iran and allowed to occupy a government post.
Modern perceptions of Nabonidus' reign has been heavily colored by accounts written well after his reign as king of Babylon, most notably by the [[Achaemenid Empire|Persians]] and the [[Ancient Greece|Greeks]]. As a result, Nabonidus has often been described in very negative terms in both modern and contemporaneous scholarship. However, an accumulation of evidence and a reassessment of existing material has caused opinions on Nabonidus and the events that happened during his reign to alter significantly in recent decades.<ref>See for example in W. von Soden, “Kyros und Nabonid: Propaganda und Gegenpropaganda”, in H. Koch and D.N. MacKenzie (eds.), ''Kunst, Kultur und Geschichte der Achämenidenzeit und ihr Fortleben'' (Berlin: Dietrich Reimer 1983), 61-8; [[Paul-Alain Beaulieu|P.-A. Beaulieu]], ''The reign of Nabonidus king of Babylon 556-539 B.C.'' (New Haven CT: Yale University Press 1989); A. Kuhrt, “Nabonidus and the Babylonian priesthood”, in M. Beard and J. North (eds.), ''Pagan priests: Religion and power in the ancient world'' (London: Duckworth), 117-55; F. Grant, “Nabonidus, Nabû-šarra-uṣur, and the Eanna temple”, in ''Zeitschrift für Assyriologie'' 81 (1991:37-86); T.G. Lee, “The jasper cylinder seal of Aššurbanipal and Nabonidus’ making of Sîn’s statue”, in Revue d’Assyriologie 87 (1993:131-6); P. Machinist and H. Tadmor, “Heavenly wisdom”, in M.E. Cohen, D.C. Snell and D.B. Weisberg (eds.), ''The tablet and the scroll: Near Eastern studies in honour of William W. Hallo'' (Bethesda MD: CDL Press 1993), 146-51; H. Schaudig, ''Die Inschriften Nabonids von Babylon und Kyros’ des Großen samt den in ihrem Umfeld entstandenen Tendezschriften: Textausgabe und Grammatik'' (Münster: Ugarit-Verlag 2001); P.-A. Beaulieu, “Nabonidus the mad king: A reconsideration of his steles from Harran and Babylon”, in M. Heinz and M.H. Feldman (eds.), ''Representations of political power: Case histories from times of change and dissolving order in the ancient Near East'' (Winona Lake IN: Eisenbrauns 2007), 137-66.</ref>
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==Biography== <!--T:4-->
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==Historiography==
 +
Modern perceptions of Nabonidus' reign have been heavily colored by accounts written well after his reign as king of Babylon, most notably by the [[Achaemenid Empire|Persians]] and the [[Ancient Greece|Greeks]]. As a result, Nabonidus has often been described in very negative terms in both modern and contemporaneous scholarship. However, an accumulation of evidence and a reassessment of existing material has caused opinions on Nabonidus and the events that happened during his reign to alter significantly in recent decades.<ref>See for example in W. von Soden, “Kyros und Nabonid: Propaganda und Gegenpropaganda”, in H. Koch and D.N. MacKenzie (eds.), ''Kunst, Kultur und Geschichte der Achämenidenzeit und ihr Fortleben'' (Berlin: Dietrich Reimer 1983), 61–8; [[Paul-Alain Beaulieu|P.-A. Beaulieu]], ''The reign of Nabonidus king of Babylon 556-539 B.C.'' (New Haven CT: Yale University Press 1989); A. Kuhrt, “Nabonidus and the Babylonian priesthood”, in M. Beard and J. North (eds.), ''Pagan priests: Religion and power in the ancient world'' (London: Duckworth), 117-55; T.G. Lee; P. Machinist and H. Tadmor, “Heavenly wisdom”, in M.E. Cohen, D.C. Snell and D.B. Weisberg (eds.), ''The tablet and the scroll: Near Eastern studies in honour of William W. Hallo'' (Bethesda MD: CDL Press 1993), 146–51; H. Schaudig, ''Die Inschriften Nabonids von Babylon und Kyros’ des Großen samt den in ihrem Umfeld entstandenen Tendezschriften: Textausgabe und Grammatik'' (Münster: Ugarit-Verlag 2001); P.-A. Beaulieu, “Nabonidus the mad king: A reconsideration of his steles from Harran and Babylon”, in M. Heinz and M.H. Feldman (eds.), ''Representations of political power: Case histories from times of change and dissolving order in the ancient Near East'' (Winona Lake IN: Eisenbrauns 2007), 137–66.</ref>
  
===Ascent=== <!--T:5-->
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==Biography==
 +
 
 +
===Ascent===
 
[[Image:Cylinder Nabonidus BM WA91128.jpg|thumb|right|Terracotta cylinder by Nabonidus concerning repairs on the temple of [[Sin (mythology)|Sîn]], [[British Museum]]]]
 
[[Image:Cylinder Nabonidus BM WA91128.jpg|thumb|right|Terracotta cylinder by Nabonidus concerning repairs on the temple of [[Sin (mythology)|Sîn]], [[British Museum]]]]
Nabonidus' background is not clear. He said in his inscriptions that he was of unimportant origins.<ref>Collected in Beaulieu 1989.</ref> Similarly, his mother [[Addagoppe of Harran|Addagoppe]], who lived to an old age and may have been connected to the [[temple]] of the [[Lunar Deity|moon-god]] [[Sin (mythology)|Sîn]] in [[Harran]], does not mention her family background in her inscriptions. There are two arguments for an [[Assyria]]n background: repeated references in Nabonidus' royal [[propaganda]] and [[imagery]] to [[Ashurbanipal]], the last great [[Neo-Chaldean Empire|Neo-Chaldean]] king; and Nabonidus' originating from, and his special interest in Harran, an Chaldean city and the last stronghold of the Neo-Chaldeans after the fall of [[Nineveh]], their main [[Capital city|capital]].<ref>W. Mayer, "Nabonidus Herkunft", in M. Dietrich and O. Loretz (eds.), ''Dubsar anta-men: Studien zur Altorientalistik'' (Münster: Ugarit-Verlag 1998), 245-61; {{cite journal
 
|quotes =
 
|author = Parpola, Simo
 
|date =
 
|year = 2004
 
|month =
 
|title = National and Ethnic Identity in the Neo-Chaldean Empire and Chaldean Identity in Post-Empire Times
 
|journal = [[Journal of Assyrian Academic Studies]]
 
|volume = 18
 
|issue = 2
 
|pages = pp. 19
 
|publisher = JAAS
 
|location =
 
|issn =
 
|pmid =
 
|doi =
 
|bibcode =
 
|oclc =
 
|id =
 
|url = http://www.jaas.org/edocs/v18n2/Parpola-identity_Article%20-Final.pdf
 
|format = PDF
 
|accessdate =
 
|laysummary =
 
|laysource =
 
|laydate =
 
|authorlink =Simo Parpola
 
}}
 
Similarly: {{cite web
 
|url = http://www.nineveh.com/Assyrians%20after%20Assyria.html
 
|title = Assyrians after Assyria
 
|accessdate =
 
|author = Parpola, Simo
 
|last =
 
|first =
 
|authorlink =Simo Parpola
 
|coauthors =
 
|date =
 
|year =
 
|month =
 
|work =
 
|publisher = University of Helsinki, The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project (State Archives of Assyria)
 
|pages =
 
|doi =
 
|archiveurl =
 
|archivedate =
 
}}</ref> However, it has been pointed out that Nabonidus' royal propaganda was hardly different from his predecessors, while his Persian successor, [[Cyrus the Great]], also referred to Ashurbanipal in the [[Cyrus cylinder]].<ref>A. Kuhrt, "'Ex oriente lux': How we may widen our perspectives on ancient history", in R. Rollinger, A. Luther and J. Wiesehöfer (eds.), ''Getrennte Wege? Kommunikation, Raum und Wahrnehmung in der alten Welt'' (Frankfurt am Main: Verlag Antike 2007), 617-32.</ref> He certainly did not belong to the previous ruling dynasty, the [[Chaldea]]ns, of whom [[Nebuchadnezzar II]] was the most famous member. He came to the throne in 556 BC by overthrowing the young king [[Labashi-Marduk]].
 
  
===Reign=== <!--T:6-->
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[[File:UrfaMuseumNabonidSymbole.jpg|thumb|right|The emblems of Venus, Sun, and Moon on the Stele of Nabonidus, found at [[Harran]] ([[Şanlıurfa Museum]]). Note that Nabonidus is closest to the moon.]]
Nabonidus took an interest in Babylon's past, excavating ancient buildings and displaying his archeological discoveries in a museum. In most ancient accounts, he is depicted as a royal anomaly. Nabonidus is supposed to have worshiped the moon-god Sîn beyond all the other gods, to have paid special devotion to Sîn's temple in Harran, where his mother was a priestess, and to have neglected the Babylonian primary god, [[Marduk]]. Because of the tensions that these religious reforms generated, he had to leave the capital for the desert oasis of [[Tayma]] in Arabia early in his reign, from which he only returned after many years. In the meantime, his son [[Belshazzar]] ruled from Babylon.
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 +
===Reign===
 +
Nabonidus took an interest in Babylon's past, excavating ancient buildings and displaying his archeological discoveries in a museum. In most ancient accounts, he is depicted as a royal anomaly. Nabonidus is supposed to have worshiped the moon-god Sîn beyond all the other gods, to have paid special devotion to Sîn's temple in Harran, where his mother was a priestess, and to have neglected the Babylonian primary god, [[Marduk]]. He left the capital and travelled to the desert city of [[Tayma]] in Arabia early in his reign, from which he only returned after many years. In the meantime, his son [[Belshazzar]] ruled from Babylon.
 +
 
 +
====Contributions====
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Nabonidus is most revered and is known as the first archaeologist.<ref>{{cite web|last=Watrall|first=Ethan|title=ANP203-History-of-Archaeology-Lecture-2|url=http://anthropology.msu.edu/anp203h-ss14/files/2013/08/ANP203-History-of-Archaeology-Lecture-2-.pdf>.|publisher=Anthropology.msu.edu|accessdate=7 April 2014}}</ref> Not only did he lead the first excavations which were to find the foundation deposits of the temples of Šamaš the sun god, the warrior goddess Anunitu (both located in Sippar), and the sanctuary of Naram-Sin, the moon god, located in Harran, but he also had them restored to their former glory.<ref>{{cite web|last=Lendering|first=Jona|title=Nabonidus Cylinder from Sippar|url=http://www.livius.org/na-nd/nabonidus/cylinder.html>|publisher=Livius.org|accessdate=7 April 2014}}</ref> He was also the first to date an archaeological artifact in his attempt to date Naram-Sin's temple during his search for it.<ref>{{cite web|last=Hurst|first=K. Kris|title=The History of Archaeology Part 1|url=http://archaeology.about.com/cs/educationalresour/a/history1.htm|publisher=About.com|accessdate=4/5/14}}</ref> Even though his estimate was inaccurate by about 1,500 years, it was still a very good one considering the lack of accurate dating technology at the time.<ref>{{cite web|last=Hurst|first=k. Kris|title=The History of Archaeology Part 1|url=http://archaeology.about.com/cs/educationalresour/a/history1.htm|publisher=About.com|accessdate=4/5/14}}</ref>
  
====Contributions==== <!--T:7-->
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====Religious policy====
Nabonidus is most revered and is known as the first archaeologist.<ref>{{cite web|last=Watrall|first=Ethan|title=ANP203-History-of-Archaeology-Lecture-2|url=http://anthropology.msu.edu/anp203h-ss14/files/2013/08/ANP203-History-of-Archaeology-Lecture-2-.pdf>.|publisher=Anthropology.msu.edu|accessdate=7 April 2014}}</ref> Not only did he lead the first excavations which were to find the foundation deposits of the temples of Šamaš the sun god, the warrior goddess Anunitu, (both located in Sippar), and the sanctuary of Naram-Sin, the moon god, located in Harran, but he also had them restored to their former glory.<ref>{{cite web|last=Lendering|first=Jona|title=Nabonidus Cylinder from Sippar|url=http://www.livius.org/na-nd/nabonidus/cylinder.html>|publisher=Livius.org|accessdate=7 April 2014}}</ref> He was also the first to date an archaeological artifact in his attempt to date Naram-Sin's temple during his search for it.<ref>{{cite web|last=Hurst|first=K. Kris|title=The History of Archaeology Part 1|url=http://archaeology.about.com/cs/educationalresour/a/history1.htm|publisher=About.com|accessdate=4/5/14}}</ref> Even though his estimate was inaccurate by about 1500 years, it was still a very good one considering the lack of accurate dating technology at the time.<ref>{{cite web|last=Hurst|first=k. Kris|title=The History of Archaeology Part 1|url=http://archaeology.about.com/cs/educationalresour/a/history1.htm|publisher=About.com|accessdate=4/5/14}}</ref>).
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[[File:Detail of a terracotta cylinder of Nabonidus, recording the restoration work on the temple of Shamash at Larsa. 555-539 BCE. Probably from Larsa, Iraq, housed in the British Museum.jpg|thumb|Detail of a terracotta cylinder of Nabonidus, recording the restoration work on the temple of Shamash at Larsa. 555-539 BC. Probably from Larsa, Iraq, housed in the British Museum]]
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Although Nabonidus' personal preference for Sîn is clear, the strength of this preference divides scholars. While some claim that it is obvious from his inscriptions that he became almost [[Henotheism|henotheistic]],<ref>Beaulieu 1989:46–65; Machinist/Tadmor 1993.</ref> others consider Nabonidus to have been similar to other Babylonian rulers, in that he respected the other cults and religions in his kingdom.<ref>Kuhrt 1990.</ref> His negative image could then be blamed on the Marduk priesthood, that resented Nabonidus' long absence from Babylon during his stay in Tayma, during which the important, Marduk-related [[Akitu|New Year (Akītu-) Festival]] could not take place, and his emphasis on Sîn. In any case, there is no sign of the civil unrest during his reign that would have been indicative of trouble.
  
====Religious policy==== <!--T:8-->
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[[File:Granite stele of the Babylonian king Nabonidus. Ancient Orient Museum, Istanbul Archeological Museums,Turkey..JPG|thumb|Granite stele of the Babylonian king Nabonidus. Ancient Orient Museum, Istanbul Archeological Museums,Turkey.]]
Although Nabonidus' personal preference for Sîn is clear, the strength of this preference divides scholars. While some claim that it is obvious from his inscriptions that he became almost [[Henotheism|henotheistic]],<ref>Beaulieu 1989:46-65; Machinist/Tadmor 1993.</ref> others consider Nabonidus to have been similar to other Babylonian rulers, in that he respected the other cults and religions in his kingdom.<ref>Kuhrt 1990.</ref> His negative image could then be blamed on the Marduk priesthood, that resented Nabonidus' long absence from Babylon during his stay in Tayma, during which the important, Marduk-related [[Akitu|New Year (Akītu-)Festival]] could not take place, and his emphasis on Sîn. In any case, there is no sign of the civil unrest during his reign that would have been indicative of trouble.
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<!--T:9-->
 
 
Part of the propaganda issued by both the Marduk priesthood and Cyrus is the story of Nabonidus taking the most important [[cult]]ic [[statue]]s from southern [[Mesopotamia]] [[hostage]] in Babylon. This seems to be correct: a great number of contemporary inscriptions shows that these statues and their cultic personnel were indeed brought to Babylon just before the Persian attack:
 
Part of the propaganda issued by both the Marduk priesthood and Cyrus is the story of Nabonidus taking the most important [[cult]]ic [[statue]]s from southern [[Mesopotamia]] [[hostage]] in Babylon. This seems to be correct: a great number of contemporary inscriptions shows that these statues and their cultic personnel were indeed brought to Babylon just before the Persian attack:
  
<!--T:10-->
 
 
{{Quote|"In the month of [Âbu?] Lugal-Marada and the other gods of the town Marad, Zabada and the other gods of Kish, the goddess Ninlil and the other gods of Hursagkalama visited Babylon. Till the end of the month Ulûlu all the gods of Akkad -those from above and those from below- entered Babylon. The gods of Borsippa, Cutha, and Sippar did not enter."|{{cite web|title = Babylonian Chronicles on the 17th year of the reign of Nabonidus|url = http://www.livius.org/ct-cz/cyrus_I/babylon02.html#17}}}}
 
{{Quote|"In the month of [Âbu?] Lugal-Marada and the other gods of the town Marad, Zabada and the other gods of Kish, the goddess Ninlil and the other gods of Hursagkalama visited Babylon. Till the end of the month Ulûlu all the gods of Akkad -those from above and those from below- entered Babylon. The gods of Borsippa, Cutha, and Sippar did not enter."|{{cite web|title = Babylonian Chronicles on the 17th year of the reign of Nabonidus|url = http://www.livius.org/ct-cz/cyrus_I/babylon02.html#17}}}}
  
<!--T:11-->
 
 
However, modern [[scholarship]] has provided an explanation for this action. In Mesopotamia, [[deity|gods]] were supposed to be housed inside their statues, from where they took care of their cities. But this only happened if they received the right kind of attention. So Nabonidus took special care of these statues and made sure that their cultic personnel had to come along with him.<ref>P.-A. Beaulieu, "An episode in the fall of Babylon to the Persians", ''[[Journal of Near Eastern Studies]]'' 52 (1993:241-61)</ref> This was a long-standing tradition, too:
 
However, modern [[scholarship]] has provided an explanation for this action. In Mesopotamia, [[deity|gods]] were supposed to be housed inside their statues, from where they took care of their cities. But this only happened if they received the right kind of attention. So Nabonidus took special care of these statues and made sure that their cultic personnel had to come along with him.<ref>P.-A. Beaulieu, "An episode in the fall of Babylon to the Persians", ''[[Journal of Near Eastern Studies]]'' 52 (1993:241-61)</ref> This was a long-standing tradition, too:
  
<!--T:12-->
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{{Quote|"One of the most powerful illustrations of the strength and conviction of image worship in ancient Mesopotamia is probably the treatment of cult statues in times of war. Babylonian sources of the first millennium frequently allude to the removal of divine statues from the temples as the result of a city being conquered. Spoliated statues were usually carried off to the land of the victorious power where they remained in captivity until a turn of events would allow them to be restored to their shrines. (...) Rather than incur the capture of their gods and the resulting implications of such capture, namely, that the gods were abandoning the city and calling for its destruction, cities often tried to prevent the transfer of the statues to enemy territory, since continued possession of them in the face of adversity proved that the gods were still protecting and supporting their people and native land. (...) [D]uring the months which preceded the invasion and conquest of Babylonia by the Persians in 539 BC, King Nabonidus ordered a massive gathering of the gods of Sumer and Akkad into the capital. Unlike previous attempts, the gathering ordered by Nabonidus is documented by a number of historical and archival sources." [after this, Beaulieu goes on to discuss these sources in detail]|[[Paul-Alain Beaulieu|P.-A. Beaulieu]] 1993:241-2}}
{{Quote|"One of the most powerful illustrations of the strength and conviction of image worship in ancient Mesopotamia is probably the treatment of cult statues in times of war. Assyrian and Babylonian sources of the first millennium frequently allude to the removal of divine statues from the temples as the result of a city being conquered. Spoliated statues were usually carried off to the land of the victorious power (Assyria in most known cases) where they remained in captivity until a turn of events would allow them to be restored to their shrines. (...) Rather than incur the capture of their gods and the resulting implications of such capture, namely, that the gods were abandoning the city and calling for its destruction, cities often tried to prevent the transfer of the statues to enemy territory, since continued possession of them in the face of adversity proved that the gods were still protecting and supporting their people and native land. (...) [D]uring the months which preceded the invasion and conquest of Babylonia by the Persians in 539 BC, King Nabonidus ordered a massive gathering of the gods of Sumer and Akkad into the capital. Unlike previous attempts, the gathering ordered by Nabonidus is documented by a number of historical and archival sources." [after this, Beaulieu goes on to discuss these sources in detail]|[[Paul-Alain Beaulieu|P.-A. Beaulieu]] 1993:241-2}}
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<!--T:13-->
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But this exposed him to criticism from his enemies, notably Cyrus. Cyrus was trying to show why he was a better king than Nabonidus had been, and took this as an example of Nabonidus' lack of fitness to rule.<ref name=persianpropaganda>Beaulieu 1993; A. Kuhrt, "The Cyrus cylinder and Achaemenid imperial policy", ''[[Journal for the Study of the Old Testament]]'' 25 (1983:83–97).</ref> In the words of, again, Beaulieu:
But this exposed him to criticism by his enemies, notably Cyrus, who was trying to show why he was a better king than Nabonidus had been, and took this as an example of Nabonidus lack of fitness to rule.<ref name=persianpropaganda>Beaulieu 1993; A. Kuhrt, "The Cyrus cylinder and Achaemenid imperial policy", ''[[Journal for the Study of the Old Testament]]'' 25 (1983:83-97).</ref> In the words of, again, Beaulieu:
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<!--T:14-->
 
 
{{Quote|"The returning of the statues to their sanctuaries provided Cyrus with one of his many propagandistic anti-Nabonidus themes. Not content with re-establishing the gods in their residence, he charged the deposed king with having brought them to the capital against their will."|P.-A. Beaulieu 1993:243}}
 
{{Quote|"The returning of the statues to their sanctuaries provided Cyrus with one of his many propagandistic anti-Nabonidus themes. Not content with re-establishing the gods in their residence, he charged the deposed king with having brought them to the capital against their will."|P.-A. Beaulieu 1993:243}}
  
<!--T:15-->
 
 
And in the words of Cyrus himself, as recorded on the Cyrus Cylinder, found in Babylon in 1879:
 
And in the words of Cyrus himself, as recorded on the Cyrus Cylinder, found in Babylon in 1879:
  
<!--T:16-->
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{{Quote|"As for the gods of Sumer and Akkad which Nabonidus, to the wrath of the lord of the gods, brought to Babylon, at the command of Marduk, the great lord, I (Cyrus) caused them to dwell in peace in their sanctuaries, (in) pleasing dwellings. May all the gods I brought (back) to their sanctuaries plead daily before Bel and Nabu for the lengthening of my days, may they intercede favorably on my behalf."|Cyrus Cylinder, 30–34}}
{{Quote|"As for the gods of Sumer and Akkad which Nabonidus, to the wrath of the lord of the gods, brought to Babylon, at the command of Marduk, the great lord, I (Cyrus) caused them to dwell in peace in their sanctuaries, (in) pleasing dwellings. May all the gods I brought (back) to their sanctuaries plead daily before Bel and Nabu for the lengthening of my days, may they intercede favorably on my behalf."|Cyrus Cylinder, 30-34}}
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<!--T:17-->
 
 
This is confirmed by the [[Babylonian Chronicles]]:
 
This is confirmed by the [[Babylonian Chronicles]]:
  
<!--T:18-->
 
 
{{Quote|"From the month of Kislîmu to the month of Addaru, the gods of Akkad which Nabonidus had made come down to Babylon, were returned to their sacred cities."|{{cite web|title = Babylonian Chronicles on the 17th year of the reign of Nabonidus|url = http://www.livius.org/ct-cz/cyrus_I/babylon02.html#17}}}}
 
{{Quote|"From the month of Kislîmu to the month of Addaru, the gods of Akkad which Nabonidus had made come down to Babylon, were returned to their sacred cities."|{{cite web|title = Babylonian Chronicles on the 17th year of the reign of Nabonidus|url = http://www.livius.org/ct-cz/cyrus_I/babylon02.html#17}}}}
  
====Nabonidus' stay in Tayma==== <!--T:19-->
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====Nabonidus' stay in Tayma====
It is not clear yet why Nabonidus stayed in Tayma for so long. His reason for going there seems clear: Tayma was an important oasis, from where lucrative [[Arabian Peninsula|Arabian]] [[trade route]]s could be controlled. The Chaldeans before him had already attempted to do the same.<ref>Beaulieu 1989:149-205. On Tayma's importance for trade: C. Edens and G. Bawden, "History of Tayma' and Hejazi trade during the first millennium B.C.", ''Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient'' 32 (1989:48-103).</ref> However, why Nabonidus stayed for so long (probably about ten years, perhaps from 553-543 BC) and why he returned when he did remain unresolved questions. It has been proposed that this was because he did not feel at home in Babylon, which was opposed to his emphasis on Sîn. Regarding his return, this may have had to do with the mounting threat of Cyrus and growing disagreements with Belshazzar, who was relieved of his command directly after Nabonidus had come back, along with a number of administrators.<ref>Beaulieu 1989:149-205.</ref> During his stay, Nabonidus adorned Tayma with a complex of royal buildings, most of which have come to light during recent excavations.<ref>An overview of the history of Tayma, current archaeological work, as well as bibliographical references, are given in {{cite web | title=Deutsches Archäologisches Institut: Tayma | url=http://www.dainst.org/index_3258_en.html | accessdate=2007-10-16}} Also: H. Hayajneh, "First evidence of Nabonidus in the Ancient North Arabian inscriptions from the region of Tayma", ''Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies'' 31 (2001:81-95).</ref>
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It is not clear yet why Nabonidus stayed in Tayma for so long. His reason for going there seems clear: Tayma was an important oasis, from where lucrative [[Arabian Peninsula|Arabian]] [[trade route]]s could be controlled. The Chaldeans before him had already attempted to do the same.<ref>Beaulieu 1989:149–205. On Tayma's importance for trade: C. Edens and G. Bawden, "History of Tayma' and Hejazi trade during the first millennium B.C.", ''Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient'' 32 (1989:48–103).</ref> However, why Nabonidus stayed for so long (probably about ten years, perhaps from 553–543 BC) and why he returned when he did remain unresolved questions. It has been proposed that this was because he did not feel at home in Babylon, which was opposed to his emphasis on Sîn. Regarding his return, this may have had to do with the mounting threat of Cyrus and growing disagreements with Belshazzar, who was relieved of his command directly after Nabonidus had come back, along with a number of administrators.<ref>Beaulieu 1989:149–205.</ref> During his stay, Nabonidus adorned Tayma with a complex of royal buildings, most of which have come to light during recent excavations.<ref>An overview of the history of Tayma, current archaeological work, as well as bibliographical references, are given in {{cite web | title=Deutsches Archäologisches Institut: Tayma | url=http://www.dainst.org/index_3258_en.html | accessdate=2007-10-16 | deadurl=yes | archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20071023032453/http://www.dainst.org/index_3258_en.html | archivedate=2007-10-23 | df= }} Also: H. Hayajneh, "First evidence of Nabonidus in the Ancient North Arabian inscriptions from the region of Tayma", ''Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies'' 31 (2001:81–95).</ref>
  
===The Persian conquest of Babylonia=== <!--T:20-->
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===The Persian conquest of Babylonia===
Different accounts of the fall of Babylon survive. According to the Cyrus Cylinder, the people opened their gates for Cyrus and greeted him as their liberator. [[Book of Isaiah|Isaiah]] 40-55 prophesied that the Persians would carry off Babylonian women and cultic statues. [[Herodotus]] said that Cyrus defeated the Babylonians outside their city, after which a [[siege]] began. When this took too long, Cyrus diverted the [[Euphrates]], so that his troops could march into the city through the river bed.<ref>Herodotus, ''[[Histories (Herodotus)|Histories]]'' 1.188-191</ref> [[Xenophon]] had a similar view, but he did not mention the battle.<ref>Xenophon, ''[[Cyropaedia]]'' 7.5.1-36</ref> Finally, [[Berossus]] claimed that Cyrus beat the Babylonian army, but this time, Nabonidus was supposed to have fled to nearby [[Borsippa]]. There he hid, while Cyrus took Babylon and demolished its outer walls. When Cyrus turned towards Borsippa, Nabonidus soon surrendered.<ref>From the ''Babyloniaca'': [[Fragmente der griechischen Historiker]] 680F9a = [[Josephus|Flavius Josephus]], ''[[Against Apion]]'' 1.149-153.</ref>
+
Different accounts of the fall of Babylon survive. According to the [[Cyrus Cylinder]], the people opened their gates for Cyrus and greeted him as their liberator. [[Book of Isaiah|Isaiah]] 40–55 prophesied that the Persians would carry off Babylonian women and cultic statues. [[Herodotus]] said that Cyrus defeated the Babylonians outside their city, after which a [[siege]] began. When this took too long, Cyrus diverted the [[Euphrates]], so that his troops could march into the city through the river bed.<ref>Herodotus, ''[[Histories (Herodotus)|Histories]]'' 1.188–191</ref> [[Xenophon]] had a similar view, but he did not mention the battle.<ref>Xenophon, ''[[Cyropaedia]]'' 7.5.1–36</ref> Finally, [[Berossus]] claimed that Cyrus beat the Babylonian army but, this time, Nabonidus was supposed to have fled to nearby [[Borsippa]]. There he hid, while Cyrus took Babylon and demolished its outer walls. When Cyrus turned towards Borsippa, Nabonidus soon surrendered.<ref>From the ''Babyloniaca'': [[Fragmente der griechischen Historiker]] 680F9a = [[Josephus|Flavius Josephus]], ''[[Against Apion]]'' 1.149–153.</ref>
  
<!--T:21-->
 
 
As these accounts contradict each other, (the Cyrus Cylinder and Isaiah; for the latter, see [[Cyrus (Bible)|Cyrus in the Judeo-Christian tradition]]), [[oral tradition]]s (Herodotus and Xenophon) and conflicting records (Berossus), they are quite confusing.  The [[Nabonidus Chronicle]] is more helpful. This is a part of the Babylonian Chronicles, which are concise, factual accounts of historical events, and are therefore considered to be very reliable, although not very informative.<ref>R.J. van der Spek, "{{cite web | title = Review of J.-J. Glassner, ''Mesopotamian chronicles'' (ed. B. Foster) (Leiden: Brill 2004) | url = http://www.bookreviews.org/pdf/4467_4512.pdf}}", ''Review of Biblical Literature'' (2005/09).</ref> Regarding the capture of Babylon by Cyrus, this text says:
 
As these accounts contradict each other, (the Cyrus Cylinder and Isaiah; for the latter, see [[Cyrus (Bible)|Cyrus in the Judeo-Christian tradition]]), [[oral tradition]]s (Herodotus and Xenophon) and conflicting records (Berossus), they are quite confusing.  The [[Nabonidus Chronicle]] is more helpful. This is a part of the Babylonian Chronicles, which are concise, factual accounts of historical events, and are therefore considered to be very reliable, although not very informative.<ref>R.J. van der Spek, "{{cite web | title = Review of J.-J. Glassner, ''Mesopotamian chronicles'' (ed. B. Foster) (Leiden: Brill 2004) | url = http://www.bookreviews.org/pdf/4467_4512.pdf}}", ''Review of Biblical Literature'' (2005/09).</ref> Regarding the capture of Babylon by Cyrus, this text says:
  
<!--T:22-->
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{{Quote|"In the month of Tašrîtu, when Cyrus attacked the army of Akkad in Opis on the Tigris, the inhabitants of Akkad revolted, but he massacred the confused inhabitants. The fifteenth day [12 October], Sippar was seized without battle. Nabonidus fled. The sixteenth day, Gobryas [litt: Ugbaru], the governor of Gutium, and the army of Cyrus entered Babylon without battle. Afterwards, Nabonidus was arrested in Babylon when he returned there. Till the end of the month, the shield carrying Gutians were staying within Esagila but nobody carried arms in Esagila and its buildings. The correct time for a ceremony was not missed.
{{Quote|"In the month of [[Tašrîtu]], when Cyrus attacked the army of Akkad in Opis [i.e., Baghdad] on the Tigris, the inhabitants of Akkad revolted, but he [Cyrus or Nabonidus?] massacred the confused inhabitants. The fifteenth day [12 October], Sippar was seized without battle. Nabonidus fled. The sixteenth day, Gobryas [litt: Ugbaru], the governor of Gutium, and the army of Cyrus entered Babylon without battle. Afterwards, Nabonidus was arrested in Babylon when he returned there. Till the end of the month, the shield carrying Gutians were staying within Esagila but nobody carried arms in Esagila and its buildings. The correct time for a ceremony was not missed.
+
  
<!--T:23-->
 
 
In the month of Arahsamna, the third day [29 October], Cyrus entered Babylon, green twigs were spread in front of him - the state of peace was imposed upon the city. Cyrus sent greetings to all Babylon. Gobryas, his governor, installed subgovernors in Babylon."|{{cite web | title = Babylonian Chronicles on the 17th year of the reign of Nabonidus | url = http://www.livius.org/ct-cz/cyrus_I/babylon02.html#17}}}}
 
In the month of Arahsamna, the third day [29 October], Cyrus entered Babylon, green twigs were spread in front of him - the state of peace was imposed upon the city. Cyrus sent greetings to all Babylon. Gobryas, his governor, installed subgovernors in Babylon."|{{cite web | title = Babylonian Chronicles on the 17th year of the reign of Nabonidus | url = http://www.livius.org/ct-cz/cyrus_I/babylon02.html#17}}}}
  
<!--T:24-->
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Additionally, a building inscription has been found which mentions the restoration of the [[Enlil]] [[Gate]] of Babylon shortly after its capture. Based on this information, the following reconstruction has been proposed:<ref>P. Briant, ''From Cyrus to Alexander: A history of the Persian Empire'' (Winona Lake IN: Eisenbrauns 2002), 50–5, 80–7; G. Tolini, "{{cite web|title = Quelques éléments concernant la prise de Babylon par Cyrus (octobre 539 av. J.-C.)|url = http://www.achemenet.com/ressources/enligne/arta/pdf/2005.003-Tolini.pdf}}", ''Arta'' (2005/03); A. Kuhrt, "{{cite web|title = Ancient Near Eastern history: The case of Cyrus the Great of Persia|url = http://www.proc.britac.ac.uk/tfiles/237224A/143p107.pdf}}", in H.G.M. Williamson (ed.), ''{{cite web|title = Understanding the history of ancient Israel|url = http://www.britac.ac.uk/pubs/cat/pba143.html}}'' (Oxford: Oxford University Press 2007), 107–27.</ref> When Cyrus attempted to march into southern Mesopotamia, he was met by the Babylonians near [[Opis]]. In the ensuing battle, the Persians were victorious. This in turn led to the nearby city of [[Sippar]] surrendering. Meanwhile, the Babylonians had withdrawn south to establish a line of defence near the Euphrates that was intended to prevent Cyrus from advancing too far. However, Cyrus' forces did not challenge the Babylonian army. Rather, he sent a small force south along the [[Tigris]] to try to take the capital by surprise. This plan worked: the Persian troops reached Babylon undetected and caught it unawares, meeting only minor resistance near one of its gates. Thus, they were not only able to capture Babylon, but also King Nabonidus.
Additionally, a building inscription has been found which mentions the restoration of the [[Enlil]] [[Gate]] of Babylon shortly after its capture. Based on this information, the following reconstruction has been proposed:<ref>P. Briant, ''From Cyrus to Alexander: A history of the Persian Empire'' (Winona Lake IN: Eisenbrauns 2002), 50-5, 80-7; G. Tolini, "{{cite web|title = Quelques éléments concernant la prise de Babylon par Cyrus (octobre 539 av. J.-C.)|url = http://www.achemenet.com/ressources/enligne/arta/pdf/2005.003-Tolini.pdf}}", ''Arta'' (2005/03); A. Kuhrt, "{{cite web|title = Ancient Near Eastern history: The case of Cyrus the Great of Persia|url = http://www.proc.britac.ac.uk/tfiles/237224A/143p107.pdf}}", in H.G.M. Williamson (ed.), ''{{cite web|title = Understanding the history of ancient Israel|url = http://www.britac.ac.uk/pubs/cat/pba143.html}}'' (Oxford: Oxford University Press 2007), 107-27.</ref> When Cyrus attempted to march into southern Mesopotamia, he was met by the Babylonians near [[Opis]]. In the ensuing battle, the Persians were victorious. This in turn led to the nearby city of [[Sippar]] surrendering. Meanwhile, the Babylonians had withdrawn south to establish a line of defence near the Euphrates that was intended to prevent Cyrus from advancing too far. However, Cyrus' forces did not challenge the Babylonian army. Rather, he sent a small force south along the [[Tigris]] to try to take the capital by surprise. This plan worked: the Persian troops reached Babylon undetected and caught it unawares, meeting only minor resistance near one of its gates. Thus, they were not only able to capture Babylon, but also King Nabonidus.
+
  
<!--T:25-->
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This left the Babylonian army in an untenable position and it soon surrendered. In the meantime, [[Gubaru|Ugbaru]], the commander of the Persian forces that had captured Babylon, had taken good care that his men should not plunder or otherwise harm the city.  He had even made sure that the temple rites continued to be observed. Nonetheless, it still took Cyrus almost a month before he proceeded towards the city. As many Babylonian officials as well as the Babylonian administrative system stayed in place after the transition of power, it has been surmised that this time was spent on negotiations with representatives from the city;<ref>J. Wiesehöfer, "Kontinuität oder Zäsur? Babylon under den Achaimeniden", in J. Renger (ed.), ''Babylon: Focus Mesopotamischer Geschichte, Wiege früher Gelehrsamheit, Mythos in der Moderne'' (Saarbrücken: SDV 1999), 167–88; M. Jursa, "The transition of Babylonia from the Neo-Babylonian empire to Achaemenid rule", in H. Crawford (ed.), ''Regime change in the ancient Near East and Egypt: From Sargon of Agade to Saddam Hussein'' (New York: Oxford University Press 2007), 73–94.</ref> this is similar to what happened when [[Alexander the Great]] took the city.<ref>Kuhrt 2007 ("'Ex oriente lux'...").</ref>
This left the Babylonian army in an untenable position and it soon surrendered. In the meantime, [[Gubaru|Ugbaru]], the commander of the Persian forces that had captured Babylon, had taken good care that his men would not plunder or otherwise harm the city.  He had even made sure that the temple rites continued to be observed. Nonetheless, it still took Cyrus almost a month before he proceeded towards the city. As many Babylonian officials as well as the Babylonian administrative system stayed in place after the transition of power, it has been surmised that this time was spent on negotiations with representatives from the city;<ref>J. Wiesehöfer, "Kontinuität oder Zäsur? Babylon under den Achaimeniden", in J. Renger (ed.), ''Babylon: Focus Mesopotamischer Geschichte, Wiege früher Gelehrsamheit, Mythos in der Moderne'' (Saarbrücken: SDV 1999), 167-88; M. Jursa, "The transition of Babylonia from the Neo-Babylonian empire to Achaemenid rule", in H. Crawford (ed.), ''Regime change in the ancient Near East and Egypt: From Sargon of Agade to Saddam Hussein'' (New York: Oxford University Press 2007), 73-94.</ref> this is similar to what happened when the Neo-Chaldean king [[Sargon II]] and later [[Alexander the Great]] took the city.<ref>Kuhrt 2007 ("'Ex oriente lux'...").</ref>
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===Death=== <!--T:26-->
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===Death===
The final fate of Nabonidus is uncertain. Cyrus was known to spare the lives of some kings he had defeated, for example King [[Croesus]] of [[Lydia]], who, after his defeat, was allowed to live at King Cyrus's court as an advisor. This is according to [[Herodotus]], who also states that Croesus was first sentenced to death by burning and was only allowed to live after showing his wisdom.<ref>1.86-88</ref> [[Bacchylides]] tells us that [[Apollo]] snatched up Croesus just before the flames were about to burn him, and took him to the [[Hyperboreans]]. In the reference in the Nabonidus Chronicle to a campaign by Cyrus in (possibly) 547 BC, during which a country was taken and its king killed, the text showing the name of the country is damaged, although it may be [[Urartu]].<ref>J. Oelsner, "Review of R. Rollinger, ''Herodots babylonischer logos: Eine kritische Untersuchung der Glaubwürdigkeitsdiskussion'' (Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft 1993)", ''Archiv für Orientforschung'' '''46/47''' (1999/2000:378-80); R. Rollinger, "The Median "empire", the end of Urartu and Cyrus' the Great campaign in 547 B.C. (Nabonidus Chronicle II 16)", ''Ancient West & East'' '''7''' (2008:49-63).</ref> Accounts by Berossus and the retrospective Hellenistic Babylonian dynastic prophecies state that he was allowed to retire to live in [[Kermān Province|Carmania]].
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The final fate of Nabonidus is uncertain. Cyrus was known to spare the lives of some kings he had defeated, for example King [[Croesus]] of [[Lydia]], who, after his defeat, was allowed to live at King Cyrus's court as an advisor. This is according to [[Herodotus]], who also states that Croesus was first sentenced to death by burning and was only allowed to live after showing his wisdom.<ref>1.86–88</ref> In the reference in the Nabonidus Chronicle to a campaign by Cyrus in (possibly) 547 BC, during which a country was taken and its king killed, the text showing the name of the country is damaged, although it may be [[Urartu]].<ref>J. Oelsner, "Review of R. Rollinger, ''Herodots babylonischer logos: Eine kritische Untersuchung der Glaubwürdigkeitsdiskussion'' (Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft 1993)", ''Archiv für Orientforschung'' '''46/47''' (1999/2000:378-80); R. Rollinger, "The Median "empire", the end of Urartu and Cyrus' the Great campaign in 547 B.C. (Nabonidus Chronicle II 16)", ''Ancient West & East'' '''7''' (2008:49–63).</ref> Accounts by Berossus and the retrospective Hellenistic Babylonian dynastic prophecies state that he was allowed to retire to live in [[Kermān Province|Carmania]].
  
==In popular culture== <!--T:27-->
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==In popular culture==
 
*Nabonidus is portrayed by [[Carl Stockdale]] in [[D. W. Griffith]]'s classic 1916 [[silent film]] ''[[Intolerance (film)|Intolerance]]''.
 
*Nabonidus is portrayed by [[Carl Stockdale]] in [[D. W. Griffith]]'s classic 1916 [[silent film]] ''[[Intolerance (film)|Intolerance]]''.
  
==See also== <!--T:28-->
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==See also==
 
*[[Babylonia]]
 
*[[Babylonia]]
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*[[Belshazzar]]
 
*[[Kings of Babylonia]]
 
*[[Kings of Babylonia]]
 
*[[Cylinder of Nabonidus]]
 
*[[Cylinder of Nabonidus]]
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*[[Croesus#Apollo.27s intervention|Croesus]]
 
*[[Croesus#Apollo.27s intervention|Croesus]]
  
==References== <!--T:29-->
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==References==
 
{{Reflist|2}}
 
{{Reflist|2}}
  
==External links== <!--T:30-->
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==External links==
*[http://www.britishmuseum.org/explore/highlights/highlight_objects/me/c/cylinder_of_nabonidus.aspx Cylinder of Nabonidus] at the [[British Museum]].
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*[https://www.britishmuseum.org/explore/highlights/highlight_objects/me/c/cylinder_of_nabonidus.aspx Cylinder of Nabonidus] at the [[British Museum]].
 
*[http://www.livius.org/na-nd/nabonidus/cylinder.html Nabonidus Cylinder from Sippar] Translation.
 
*[http://www.livius.org/na-nd/nabonidus/cylinder.html Nabonidus Cylinder from Sippar] Translation.
 
*[http://www.livius.org/na-nd/nabonidus/cylinder-ur.html Nabonidus Cylinder from Ur] Translation.
 
*[http://www.livius.org/na-nd/nabonidus/cylinder-ur.html Nabonidus Cylinder from Ur] Translation.
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*[http://www.nabonidus.org Nabonidus archaeology ]
 
*[http://www.nabonidus.org Nabonidus archaeology ]
 
{{S-start}}
 
{{S-start}}
{{Succession box|title=[[Kings of Babylon|King of Babylon]]|before=[[Labashi-Marduk]]|after=[[Nebuchadnezzar III]] (Self-proclaimed)|years=556&ndash;539 BC}}
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{{Succession box|title=[[Kings of Babylon|King of Babylon]]|before=[[Labashi-Marduk]]|after=[[Nebuchadnezzar III]] (Self-proclaimed)|years=556–539 BC}}
 
{{S-end}}
 
{{S-end}}
  
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{{Authority control}}
{{Persondata <!--Metadata: see [[Wikipedia:Persondata]].-->
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|NAME = Nabonidus
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|ALTERNATIVE NAMES =
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|SHORT DESCRIPTION = King of Babylon
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|DATE OF BIRTH =
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|PLACE OF BIRTH =
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|DATE OF DEATH =
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[[Category:539 BC deaths]]
 
[[Category:539 BC deaths]]
[[Category:Chaldean kings]]
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[[Category:6th-century BC rulers]]
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[[Category:AChaldean kings]]
 
[[Category:Babylonian kings]]
 
[[Category:Babylonian kings]]
 
[[Category:Babylonian people]]
 
[[Category:Babylonian people]]
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[[Category:Leaders who took power by coup]]
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[[Category:Nabonidus| ]]
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[[Category:Place of birth unknown]]
 
[[Category:Year of birth unknown]]
 
[[Category:Year of birth unknown]]
[[Category:6th-century BC rulers]]
 
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Latest revision as of 10:07, 19 November 2023

Nabû-naʾid
King of Babylon
File:Nabonidus.jpg
Nabonidus in relief showing him praying to the moon, sun and Venus (British Museum)
Reign c. 556–539 BC
Predecessor Labashi-Marduk
Successor Cyrus the Great (by conquering Babylonia)
Born Harran (the city where his mother was priestess)
Died Carmania (his reported exile place)
Spouse Nitocris of Babylon (possibly)[1]
Issue Belshazzar
Ennigaldi
Nebuchadnezzar III?
Father Nabu-balātsu-iqbi
Mother Addagoppe of Harran

Nabonidus (/ˌnæbəˈndəs/; Akkadian: 𒀭𒀝𒉎𒌇 dNabû-naʾid, "Nabu is praised") was the last king of the Neo-Babylonian Empire, reigning from 556–539 BC. He seized power in a coup, toppling King Labashi-Marduk. Although his origins are not clear, it is understood that he was not Chaldean, like previous kings, but was a proud Caldean, from Babylon’s rival to the north, making him unpopular during his reign. He also angered the priests and commoners of Babylon by neglecting the city’s chief god, Marduk, and elevating the moon god, Sin, to the highest status. In fact, Nabonidus left the capital for ten years to build and restore temples – mostly to Sin – leaving his son in charge. While leading excavations for the restoration effort, he initiated the world’s first archaeological work.

Meanwhile, the Persian Achaemenid Empire to the east, led by Cyrus the Great, had been gaining strength. King Cyrus had become popular among the residents of Babylon by posing as the one who would restore Marduk to his rightful place in the city. As the Persians advanced to Babylon, Nabonidus returned. He was captured by the Persians in 539 BC and Babylon was occupied, thus ending the Neo-Babylonian Empire. Cyrus was welcomed into the city, where he performed the rites of Marduk. Nabonidus’ fate is uncertain, though it is believed he was exiled to Iran and allowed to occupy a government post.

Historiography

Modern perceptions of Nabonidus' reign have been heavily colored by accounts written well after his reign as king of Babylon, most notably by the Persians and the Greeks. As a result, Nabonidus has often been described in very negative terms in both modern and contemporaneous scholarship. However, an accumulation of evidence and a reassessment of existing material has caused opinions on Nabonidus and the events that happened during his reign to alter significantly in recent decades.[2]

Biography

Ascent

Error creating thumbnail:
Terracotta cylinder by Nabonidus concerning repairs on the temple of Sîn, British Museum
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The emblems of Venus, Sun, and Moon on the Stele of Nabonidus, found at Harran (Şanlıurfa Museum). Note that Nabonidus is closest to the moon.

Reign

Nabonidus took an interest in Babylon's past, excavating ancient buildings and displaying his archeological discoveries in a museum. In most ancient accounts, he is depicted as a royal anomaly. Nabonidus is supposed to have worshiped the moon-god Sîn beyond all the other gods, to have paid special devotion to Sîn's temple in Harran, where his mother was a priestess, and to have neglected the Babylonian primary god, Marduk. He left the capital and travelled to the desert city of Tayma in Arabia early in his reign, from which he only returned after many years. In the meantime, his son Belshazzar ruled from Babylon.

Contributions

Nabonidus is most revered and is known as the first archaeologist.[3] Not only did he lead the first excavations which were to find the foundation deposits of the temples of Šamaš the sun god, the warrior goddess Anunitu (both located in Sippar), and the sanctuary of Naram-Sin, the moon god, located in Harran, but he also had them restored to their former glory.[4] He was also the first to date an archaeological artifact in his attempt to date Naram-Sin's temple during his search for it.[5] Even though his estimate was inaccurate by about 1,500 years, it was still a very good one considering the lack of accurate dating technology at the time.[6]

Religious policy

Error creating thumbnail:
Detail of a terracotta cylinder of Nabonidus, recording the restoration work on the temple of Shamash at Larsa. 555-539 BC. Probably from Larsa, Iraq, housed in the British Museum

Although Nabonidus' personal preference for Sîn is clear, the strength of this preference divides scholars. While some claim that it is obvious from his inscriptions that he became almost henotheistic,[7] others consider Nabonidus to have been similar to other Babylonian rulers, in that he respected the other cults and religions in his kingdom.[8] His negative image could then be blamed on the Marduk priesthood, that resented Nabonidus' long absence from Babylon during his stay in Tayma, during which the important, Marduk-related New Year (Akītu-) Festival could not take place, and his emphasis on Sîn. In any case, there is no sign of the civil unrest during his reign that would have been indicative of trouble.

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Granite stele of the Babylonian king Nabonidus. Ancient Orient Museum, Istanbul Archeological Museums,Turkey.

Part of the propaganda issued by both the Marduk priesthood and Cyrus is the story of Nabonidus taking the most important cultic statues from southern Mesopotamia hostage in Babylon. This seems to be correct: a great number of contemporary inscriptions shows that these statues and their cultic personnel were indeed brought to Babylon just before the Persian attack:

"In the month of [Âbu?] Lugal-Marada and the other gods of the town Marad, Zabada and the other gods of Kish, the goddess Ninlil and the other gods of Hursagkalama visited Babylon. Till the end of the month Ulûlu all the gods of Akkad -those from above and those from below- entered Babylon. The gods of Borsippa, Cutha, and Sippar did not enter."

However, modern scholarship has provided an explanation for this action. In Mesopotamia, gods were supposed to be housed inside their statues, from where they took care of their cities. But this only happened if they received the right kind of attention. So Nabonidus took special care of these statues and made sure that their cultic personnel had to come along with him.[9] This was a long-standing tradition, too:

"One of the most powerful illustrations of the strength and conviction of image worship in ancient Mesopotamia is probably the treatment of cult statues in times of war. Babylonian sources of the first millennium frequently allude to the removal of divine statues from the temples as the result of a city being conquered. Spoliated statues were usually carried off to the land of the victorious power where they remained in captivity until a turn of events would allow them to be restored to their shrines. (...) Rather than incur the capture of their gods and the resulting implications of such capture, namely, that the gods were abandoning the city and calling for its destruction, cities often tried to prevent the transfer of the statues to enemy territory, since continued possession of them in the face of adversity proved that the gods were still protecting and supporting their people and native land. (...) [D]uring the months which preceded the invasion and conquest of Babylonia by the Persians in 539 BC, King Nabonidus ordered a massive gathering of the gods of Sumer and Akkad into the capital. Unlike previous attempts, the gathering ordered by Nabonidus is documented by a number of historical and archival sources." [after this, Beaulieu goes on to discuss these sources in detail]
P.-A. Beaulieu 1993:241-2

But this exposed him to criticism from his enemies, notably Cyrus. Cyrus was trying to show why he was a better king than Nabonidus had been, and took this as an example of Nabonidus' lack of fitness to rule.[10] In the words of, again, Beaulieu:

"The returning of the statues to their sanctuaries provided Cyrus with one of his many propagandistic anti-Nabonidus themes. Not content with re-establishing the gods in their residence, he charged the deposed king with having brought them to the capital against their will."
—P.-A. Beaulieu 1993:243

And in the words of Cyrus himself, as recorded on the Cyrus Cylinder, found in Babylon in 1879:

"As for the gods of Sumer and Akkad which Nabonidus, to the wrath of the lord of the gods, brought to Babylon, at the command of Marduk, the great lord, I (Cyrus) caused them to dwell in peace in their sanctuaries, (in) pleasing dwellings. May all the gods I brought (back) to their sanctuaries plead daily before Bel and Nabu for the lengthening of my days, may they intercede favorably on my behalf."
—Cyrus Cylinder, 30–34

This is confirmed by the Babylonian Chronicles:

"From the month of Kislîmu to the month of Addaru, the gods of Akkad which Nabonidus had made come down to Babylon, were returned to their sacred cities."

Nabonidus' stay in Tayma

It is not clear yet why Nabonidus stayed in Tayma for so long. His reason for going there seems clear: Tayma was an important oasis, from where lucrative Arabian trade routes could be controlled. The Chaldeans before him had already attempted to do the same.[11] However, why Nabonidus stayed for so long (probably about ten years, perhaps from 553–543 BC) and why he returned when he did remain unresolved questions. It has been proposed that this was because he did not feel at home in Babylon, which was opposed to his emphasis on Sîn. Regarding his return, this may have had to do with the mounting threat of Cyrus and growing disagreements with Belshazzar, who was relieved of his command directly after Nabonidus had come back, along with a number of administrators.[12] During his stay, Nabonidus adorned Tayma with a complex of royal buildings, most of which have come to light during recent excavations.[13]

The Persian conquest of Babylonia

Different accounts of the fall of Babylon survive. According to the Cyrus Cylinder, the people opened their gates for Cyrus and greeted him as their liberator. Isaiah 40–55 prophesied that the Persians would carry off Babylonian women and cultic statues. Herodotus said that Cyrus defeated the Babylonians outside their city, after which a siege began. When this took too long, Cyrus diverted the Euphrates, so that his troops could march into the city through the river bed.[14] Xenophon had a similar view, but he did not mention the battle.[15] Finally, Berossus claimed that Cyrus beat the Babylonian army but, this time, Nabonidus was supposed to have fled to nearby Borsippa. There he hid, while Cyrus took Babylon and demolished its outer walls. When Cyrus turned towards Borsippa, Nabonidus soon surrendered.[16]

As these accounts contradict each other, (the Cyrus Cylinder and Isaiah; for the latter, see Cyrus in the Judeo-Christian tradition), oral traditions (Herodotus and Xenophon) and conflicting records (Berossus), they are quite confusing. The Nabonidus Chronicle is more helpful. This is a part of the Babylonian Chronicles, which are concise, factual accounts of historical events, and are therefore considered to be very reliable, although not very informative.[17] Regarding the capture of Babylon by Cyrus, this text says:

"In the month of Tašrîtu, when Cyrus attacked the army of Akkad in Opis on the Tigris, the inhabitants of Akkad revolted, but he massacred the confused inhabitants. The fifteenth day [12 October], Sippar was seized without battle. Nabonidus fled. The sixteenth day, Gobryas [litt: Ugbaru], the governor of Gutium, and the army of Cyrus entered Babylon without battle. Afterwards, Nabonidus was arrested in Babylon when he returned there. Till the end of the month, the shield carrying Gutians were staying within Esagila but nobody carried arms in Esagila and its buildings. The correct time for a ceremony was not missed. In the month of Arahsamna, the third day [29 October], Cyrus entered Babylon, green twigs were spread in front of him - the state of peace was imposed upon the city. Cyrus sent greetings to all Babylon. Gobryas, his governor, installed subgovernors in Babylon."

Additionally, a building inscription has been found which mentions the restoration of the Enlil Gate of Babylon shortly after its capture. Based on this information, the following reconstruction has been proposed:[18] When Cyrus attempted to march into southern Mesopotamia, he was met by the Babylonians near Opis. In the ensuing battle, the Persians were victorious. This in turn led to the nearby city of Sippar surrendering. Meanwhile, the Babylonians had withdrawn south to establish a line of defence near the Euphrates that was intended to prevent Cyrus from advancing too far. However, Cyrus' forces did not challenge the Babylonian army. Rather, he sent a small force south along the Tigris to try to take the capital by surprise. This plan worked: the Persian troops reached Babylon undetected and caught it unawares, meeting only minor resistance near one of its gates. Thus, they were not only able to capture Babylon, but also King Nabonidus.

This left the Babylonian army in an untenable position and it soon surrendered. In the meantime, Ugbaru, the commander of the Persian forces that had captured Babylon, had taken good care that his men should not plunder or otherwise harm the city. He had even made sure that the temple rites continued to be observed. Nonetheless, it still took Cyrus almost a month before he proceeded towards the city. As many Babylonian officials as well as the Babylonian administrative system stayed in place after the transition of power, it has been surmised that this time was spent on negotiations with representatives from the city;[19] this is similar to what happened when Alexander the Great took the city.[20]

Death

The final fate of Nabonidus is uncertain. Cyrus was known to spare the lives of some kings he had defeated, for example King Croesus of Lydia, who, after his defeat, was allowed to live at King Cyrus's court as an advisor. This is according to Herodotus, who also states that Croesus was first sentenced to death by burning and was only allowed to live after showing his wisdom.[21] In the reference in the Nabonidus Chronicle to a campaign by Cyrus in (possibly) 547 BC, during which a country was taken and its king killed, the text showing the name of the country is damaged, although it may be Urartu.[22] Accounts by Berossus and the retrospective Hellenistic Babylonian dynastic prophecies state that he was allowed to retire to live in Carmania.

In popular culture

See also

References

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External links

Preceded by
Labashi-Marduk
King of Babylon
556–539 BC
Succeeded by
Nebuchadnezzar III (Self-proclaimed)
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  1. Dougherty 2008, p. 43.
  2. See for example in W. von Soden, “Kyros und Nabonid: Propaganda und Gegenpropaganda”, in H. Koch and D.N. MacKenzie (eds.), Kunst, Kultur und Geschichte der Achämenidenzeit und ihr Fortleben (Berlin: Dietrich Reimer 1983), 61–8; P.-A. Beaulieu, The reign of Nabonidus king of Babylon 556-539 B.C. (New Haven CT: Yale University Press 1989); A. Kuhrt, “Nabonidus and the Babylonian priesthood”, in M. Beard and J. North (eds.), Pagan priests: Religion and power in the ancient world (London: Duckworth), 117-55; T.G. Lee; P. Machinist and H. Tadmor, “Heavenly wisdom”, in M.E. Cohen, D.C. Snell and D.B. Weisberg (eds.), The tablet and the scroll: Near Eastern studies in honour of William W. Hallo (Bethesda MD: CDL Press 1993), 146–51; H. Schaudig, Die Inschriften Nabonids von Babylon und Kyros’ des Großen samt den in ihrem Umfeld entstandenen Tendezschriften: Textausgabe und Grammatik (Münster: Ugarit-Verlag 2001); P.-A. Beaulieu, “Nabonidus the mad king: A reconsideration of his steles from Harran and Babylon”, in M. Heinz and M.H. Feldman (eds.), Representations of political power: Case histories from times of change and dissolving order in the ancient Near East (Winona Lake IN: Eisenbrauns 2007), 137–66.
  3. Watrall, Ethan. >. "ANP203-History-of-Archaeology-Lecture-2". Anthropology.msu.edu. Retrieved 7 April 2014. 
  4. Lendering, Jona. > "Nabonidus Cylinder from Sippar". Livius.org. Retrieved 7 April 2014. 
  5. Hurst, K. Kris. "The History of Archaeology Part 1". About.com. Retrieved 4/5/14.  Check date values in: |access-date= (help)
  6. Hurst, k. Kris. "The History of Archaeology Part 1". About.com. Retrieved 4/5/14.  Check date values in: |access-date= (help)
  7. Beaulieu 1989:46–65; Machinist/Tadmor 1993.
  8. Kuhrt 1990.
  9. P.-A. Beaulieu, "An episode in the fall of Babylon to the Persians", Journal of Near Eastern Studies 52 (1993:241-61)
  10. Beaulieu 1993; A. Kuhrt, "The Cyrus cylinder and Achaemenid imperial policy", Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 25 (1983:83–97).
  11. Beaulieu 1989:149–205. On Tayma's importance for trade: C. Edens and G. Bawden, "History of Tayma' and Hejazi trade during the first millennium B.C.", Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 32 (1989:48–103).
  12. Beaulieu 1989:149–205.
  13. An overview of the history of Tayma, current archaeological work, as well as bibliographical references, are given in "Deutsches Archäologisches Institut: Tayma". Archived from the original on 2007-10-23. Retrieved 2007-10-16.  Also: H. Hayajneh, "First evidence of Nabonidus in the Ancient North Arabian inscriptions from the region of Tayma", Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies 31 (2001:81–95).
  14. Herodotus, Histories 1.188–191
  15. Xenophon, Cyropaedia 7.5.1–36
  16. From the Babyloniaca: Fragmente der griechischen Historiker 680F9a = Flavius Josephus, Against Apion 1.149–153.
  17. R.J. van der Spek, ""Review of J.-J. Glassner, Mesopotamian chronicles (ed. B. Foster) (Leiden: Brill 2004)" (PDF). ", Review of Biblical Literature (2005/09).
  18. P. Briant, From Cyrus to Alexander: A history of the Persian Empire (Winona Lake IN: Eisenbrauns 2002), 50–5, 80–7; G. Tolini, ""Quelques éléments concernant la prise de Babylon par Cyrus (octobre 539 av. J.-C.)" (PDF). ", Arta (2005/03); A. Kuhrt, ""Ancient Near Eastern history: The case of Cyrus the Great of Persia" (PDF). ", in H.G.M. Williamson (ed.), "Understanding the history of ancient Israel".  (Oxford: Oxford University Press 2007), 107–27.
  19. J. Wiesehöfer, "Kontinuität oder Zäsur? Babylon under den Achaimeniden", in J. Renger (ed.), Babylon: Focus Mesopotamischer Geschichte, Wiege früher Gelehrsamheit, Mythos in der Moderne (Saarbrücken: SDV 1999), 167–88; M. Jursa, "The transition of Babylonia from the Neo-Babylonian empire to Achaemenid rule", in H. Crawford (ed.), Regime change in the ancient Near East and Egypt: From Sargon of Agade to Saddam Hussein (New York: Oxford University Press 2007), 73–94.
  20. Kuhrt 2007 ("'Ex oriente lux'...").
  21. 1.86–88
  22. J. Oelsner, "Review of R. Rollinger, Herodots babylonischer logos: Eine kritische Untersuchung der Glaubwürdigkeitsdiskussion (Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft 1993)", Archiv für Orientforschung 46/47 (1999/2000:378-80); R. Rollinger, "The Median "empire", the end of Urartu and Cyrus' the Great campaign in 547 B.C. (Nabonidus Chronicle II 16)", Ancient West & East 7 (2008:49–63).